I want to be direct with you about why I am running.

Not in the abstract. Not in the language of "Delaware deserves better" without explaining what "better" means. I want to give you a specific vote, a specific dollar amount, a specific set of weapons, and a specific senator who chose to send them — and then I want you to decide whether that senator represents you.

In April 2026, the U.S. Senate considered Joint Resolutions of Disapproval. These resolutions, introduced under the Arms Export Control Act, would have blocked a $660 million U.S. arms package to Israel — a package that included 1,000-pound bombs and military bulldozers.

These are not defensive weapons. A 1,000-pound bomb dropped in a dense urban environment does not distinguish between a combatant and a child. A military bulldozer does not distinguish between a weapons cache and a family home. The International Court of Justice has already found it plausible that Israel's conduct in Gaza constitutes genocide. The United Nations has documented mass civilian casualties. These are not fringe claims. They are findings by the world's highest legal bodies.

The resolutions were a modest exercise of congressional oversight. They did not end the alliance. They did not cut off all military aid. They said: not these weapons, not right now, not without conditions.

Chris Coons voted no.

He was one of only seven Senate Democrats who crossed party lines to join Republicans and defeat the resolutions. The package went through. The bombs were approved.

Coons did not hide his reasoning. He explained it publicly.

Because Congress had failed to stop the broader war with Iran, he said, the United States could not "abandon our steadfast ally, Israel" while it faced Iranian strikes. He framed the vote as defending Israel against Iran — not as endorsing what the Netanyahu government was doing separately in Gaza.

This is a sophisticated argument. It is also a deeply revealing one.

It reveals that for Senator Coons, alliance loyalty is the controlling factor — not the specific weapons being transferred, not the documented civilian death toll, not the findings of international courts, not the question of whether American weapons are being used in ways that violate U.S. law.

The Leahy Law — named for the late Vermont senator — prohibits the United States from providing military assistance to foreign security forces when there is credible evidence those forces have committed gross violations of human rights. Multiple State Department officials have raised concerns about whether continued arms transfers to Israel comply with this law. Senator Coons voted to keep the transfers going anyway.

Delaware's entire annual state budget is roughly $5.5 billion. The $660 million arms package Coons voted to approve represents more than 10 percent of what Delaware spends in a year — on schools, roads, healthcare, public safety, everything.

That money did not come from nowhere. It came from American taxpayers. It came from Delawareans.

I am not arguing that the United States should have no allies or no foreign policy. I am arguing that a senator's first obligation is to the people who sent them there — and that when a senator votes to send $660 million in weapons to a foreign government over the explicit objections of a majority of their own party, they owe their constituents a better answer than "steadfast ally."

Delaware has one of the highest rates of uninsured residents in the mid-Atlantic region. Our healthcare system is under strain. Our working families are squeezed. The federal dollars that flow through Delaware's congressional delegation matter — and a senator who reflexively defers to foreign policy establishment consensus on arms transfers is a senator who is not asking hard enough questions about where American money goes and what it does.

The April 2026 vote was not an anomaly. It fits a pattern.

2014: Coons voted to authorize $225 million in emergency funding for Israel's Iron Dome missile defense system during the Gaza conflict that killed more than 2,100 Palestinians, the majority of them civilians.

2021: During the eleven-day conflict that killed 256 Palestinians including 66 children, Coons did not join colleagues calling for a ceasefire or a pause in arms transfers.

2023–2024: After October 7, as the death toll in Gaza climbed past 40,000 — a figure documented by the Gaza Ministry of Health and corroborated by independent researchers — Coons consistently opposed conditioning military aid to Israel on compliance with international humanitarian law.

April 2026: The vote described above.

This is not a senator who agonizes over these decisions and occasionally gets it wrong. This is a senator with a consistent, documented record of prioritizing arms transfers to Israel over congressional oversight, over international law, over the concerns of his own constituents, and over the findings of international courts.

I would have voted yes on the Joint Resolutions of Disapproval.

Not because I believe the United States should abandon its relationships in the Middle East. Not because I think the security challenges Israel faces are imaginary. But because congressional oversight of arms transfers is not abandonment — it is the job.

The Arms Export Control Act exists precisely so that Congress can review, condition, and if necessary block weapons sales that conflict with American values and American law. When a senator votes to defeat a disapproval resolution, they are not just approving a weapons package — they are voting to weaken the oversight mechanism itself. They are saying: the executive branch should be able to send these weapons without meaningful congressional review.

I do not believe that. I believe the Constitution means what it says about Congress's role in matters of war and foreign policy. I believe the Leahy Law means what it says about human rights conditions on military assistance. And I believe that a senator who consistently votes to waive those conditions is not representing Delaware — they are representing the foreign policy establishment that has been wrong about the Middle East for thirty years.

I am a registered nurse. I have PTSD from the pandemic. I left bedside care to avoid permanent disability. I have no Super PAC money, no party machine, no $10,000 filing fee — I filed as a declared write-in.

I am running because I believe Delaware deserves a senator who will stand up in that chamber and say this is wrong — not in a carefully worded statement designed to offend no one, but on the floor, on the record, on the vote.

The vote in April 2026 was a test. Senator Coons failed it.

Delaware voters who believe that American weapons should not flow automatically to any foreign government — regardless of what that government is doing with them — have a clear, documented difference in approach between the incumbent and this campaign.

I am asking you to write in my name.

Travis Jack Stevens is a declared write-in candidate for U.S. Senate in Delaware. He is a registered nurse and former contract critical care nurse for the Department of Defense. He accepts no Super PAC money.

✍️ Write in TRAVIS JACK STEVENS — November 4, 2026

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1. U.S. Senate vote records, Joint Resolutions of Disapproval (S.J.Res. 51–54), April 2026
2. Arms Export Control Act, 22 U.S.C. § 2776 — congressional review of major arms sales
3. Leahy Law, 22 U.S.C. § 2378d — human rights conditions on military assistance
4. International Court of Justice, South Africa v. Israel, Order on Provisional Measures, January 26, 2024
5. UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Gaza Humanitarian Situation Reports, 2024–2026
6. Gaza Ministry of Health, cumulative casualty data, 2023–2026
7. Congressional Research Service, U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel: An Overview, updated 2026
8. State Department Inspector General, review of arms transfer compliance, 2025
9. Delaware Office of Management and Budget, FY2026 Enacted Budget
10. U.S. Census Bureau, Health Insurance Coverage in the United States, 2024
11. Senator Coons floor statement and press release, April 2026